By Chandra Lekha Sriram
This publication examines what makes responsibility for prior violations kind of attainable for transitional regimes to accomplish. It heavily examines the opposite very important ambitions of such regimes opposed to which responsibility is usually balanced. the choices on hand aren't easily prosecution or pardon, because the so much heated polemics of the talk over transitional justice recommend, yet quite a number innovations from entire amnesty via fact commissions and lustration or purification to prosecutions. The query, then, isn't even if responsibility may be completed, yet what measure of responsibility will be completed by way of a given country.The concentration of the booklet is at the politics of transition: what makes responsibility roughly possible and what recommendations are deployed through regimes to accomplish better responsibility (or on the other hand, larger reform). the result's a extra nuanced realizing of the various stipulations and probabilities that nations face, and the lesson that there's no one-size-fits-all prescription that may be passed to transitional regimes.
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Extra resources for Confronting Past Human Rights Violations: Justice vs. Peace in Times of Transition (The Cass Series on Peacekeeping)
Certainly the desire for justice on the part of the victims could increase with the aggregation of abuses;7 on the other hand, exhaustion from the conflict could lead many to compromise with former abusers and grant amnesty. Thus the number of years the conflict endured and the casualties incurred matters, but 24 WHAT MAKES ACCOUNTABILITY POSSIBLE? the nature of violations also matters: disappearances and torture have different psychological, social and political effects from killings where the location of the dead is acknowledged or detentions that do not result in deaths.
The Military and Democracy, p. 15. On contemporary third world strongmen more generally, see Barry Rubin, Modern Dictators: Third World Coup-makers, Strongmen, and Populist Tyrants (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1987). 24 For example, Michael Desch argues that countries generate the ‘good’ professionalism when they face real outside threats, but the bad kind when those are lacking: ‘Threat Environments and Military Missions’, in Diamond and Plattner (eds), Civil-Military Relations and Democracy, pp.
32, who suggests that they are concerned with institutional autonomy and immunity for past abuses, but also with the prevention of what they consider inappropriate reform of the political system. 40 David Pion-Berlin, ‘Military Autonomy and Emerging Democracies in South America’, Comparative Politics, 25, 1 (October 1992), pp. 83–102, lists 12 areas of interest to militaries, arguing that some are political and some professional concerns, and that ‘core professional functions’ will be more aggressively defended than others.