Bracing for Armageddon: Why Civil Defense Never Worked by Dee Garrison

By Dee Garrison

In Bracing for Armageddon, Dee Garrison pulls again the curtain at the U.S. government's civil safeguard plans from global battle II throughout the finish of the chilly struggle. in response to executive records, peace organisations, own papers, clinical stories, oral histories, newspapers, and well known media, her booklet chronicles the operations of many of the federal and country civil protection courses from 1945 to modern problems with fatherland safety, in addition to the origins and improvement of the large public protest opposed to civil safeguard from 1955 in the course of the Nineteen Eighties. At a time of accelerating preoccupation over nationwide defense concerns, Bracing for Armageddon sheds gentle at the becoming mistrust among the U.S. executive and its matters in postwar the USA.

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Bracing for Armageddon: Why Civil Defense Never Worked

In Bracing for Armageddon, Dee Garrison pulls again the curtain at the U. S. government's civil safeguard plans from global struggle II throughout the finish of the chilly struggle. in line with executive files, peace agencies, own papers, clinical stories, oral histories, newspapers, and renowned media, her publication chronicles the operations of a few of the federal and nation civil security courses from 1945 to modern problems with native land safeguard, in addition to the origins and improvement of the big public protest opposed to civil protection from 1955 in the course of the Nineteen Eighties.

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Extra resources for Bracing for Armageddon: Why Civil Defense Never Worked

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From duck and cover to duct tape, from deceitful denials to confused assurances, from justification of elite shelters to the closeting of current high officials in secret underground hideaways — once more, the public recoils and the grassroots peace movement builds. Today, we still face dire nuclear threats, both from our own currently active or stored warheads and from the former Soviet Union’s unprotected stockpiles of thousands of nuclear weapons, many of which have already been stolen or sold.

Protection for the soon-to-be-vaporized urban core was too expensive or logistically futile to provide. Hence, evacuation was quickly judged impossible by most, especially after the effects of hydrogen bomb warfare became better understood. The third alternative, bomb shelters, frequently emerged among civil defense leaders as the most popular option. This policy elicited less ridicule than the dispersal and evacuation/relocation options. Yet a shelter system was also unreliable—even if it were radiation-proof and the occupants did not die from suffocation or burns within the structure.

6 Demands for a better civil defense effort against atomic attack were also trumpeted by the congressional Joint Committee on Atomic Energy (JCAE), established as part of the Atomic Energy Act of 1946. Initially led by cold warrior Brien McMahon, the ambitious Democratic senator from Connecticut, the influential JCAE consisted of nine senators and nine representatives with the responsibility to maintain congressional control over the work of the newly formed Atomic Energy Commission (AEC). The JCAE functioned not as a serious oversight committee, but as the major support and shield for AEC activities.

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